Abounaddara is "the nickname for a man with
glasses," according to the group of Syrian filmmakers by that name (see abounaddara.com)
who produce short films each Friday on life in Syria today. They
call what they do "Emergency Cinema."
The Abounaddara name stems from the Arab tradition of identifying people by something that relates to their profession. The group cites the precedent of a Syrian film and video pioneer who called himself "the man with the camera." On its site, Abounaddara says its first love is for short and documentary films, that the group is part of "the world republic of documentary cinema," and that members are interested in stories of everyday life.
We saw a selection of Abounaddara's
films, stitched together for an hour-long program, in a "video festival"
in Beirut ten days ago. A
couple days later we saw some more of these films at the American University of Beirut, an English-speaking
institution, in a program that included a Q&A with a member of the group. I found
the films in both programs very powerful.The Abounaddara name stems from the Arab tradition of identifying people by something that relates to their profession. The group cites the precedent of a Syrian film and video pioneer who called himself "the man with the camera." On its site, Abounaddara says its first love is for short and documentary films, that the group is part of "the world republic of documentary cinema," and that members are interested in stories of everyday life.
(I
found some of the films we saw in Beirut posted on the group's Facebook page, but
subtitled in French --fine in the Syrian context,
but harder for Americans. You can also see some other films of ordinary life in Syria on on its website; click on the pictures on the home page and then choose "English subtitles.")
Here are a few
recollected images from the films we saw.
Masses of
people pour from mosques to gather in the street for large demonstrations,
everyone chanting slogans that called for the end of Syria's
authoritarian, police-state
regime led by dictator Bashar Assad, the son of the Hafiz Assad,
the country's dictator/president from 1971 to 2000. Assad's 'party' has been
power since 1963. This is the background for the demonstrators' cry "The people want the regime to fall."
The
revolutionary formula "the people want --" echoed the cries of the Arab
spring three years ago when nonviolent popular uprisings against
undemocratic
regimes in Egypt and Tunisia overthrew rulers there. In Libya, when
demonstrators were brutally attacked by Quaddafi's government and took
up arms, America and its allies backed the rebels, knocked out
Quaddafi's air
force, and provided other aid. The rebellion succeeded.
When
rebellion spread to Syria in 2011, the Assad regime sent snipers and paramilitary thugs to
kill demonstrators and terrorize the areas that supported them. As in Libya some
of those who wanted change -- certainly a majority of Syrians favored a
democratic replacement for the Assad dictatorship -- felt compelled to take up
arms.
This time
the US and its western allies, for a variety of reasons -- the cost of
intervention; the fear of adding fuel to the fire; concern about the potential
recipients of US arms -- decided to let the rebels go it alone even though
the government had the heavy weapons and the airplanes, military supplies for
the dictatorship continued to flow in from Russia, and it was clear from the
start that the toll of the fighting on the civilian population would be very
great.
The film,
to be clear, doesn't "say" any of these things. It shows the
demonstrators flooding the streets.
In another film we hear gunfire and some screams. In one segment we see a crowd of people digging a child out of a mountain of wreckage and churned up earth from bombed buildings. But the film collective made the decision (as we learned from its representative at the AUB program) not to show violence and murdered bodies because the international media coverage of the violence in their country -- the massacres, the outrages, the body count -- threatened to desensitize the world to the concrete human realities of the "emergency."
In another film we hear gunfire and some screams. In one segment we see a crowd of people digging a child out of a mountain of wreckage and churned up earth from bombed buildings. But the film collective made the decision (as we learned from its representative at the AUB program) not to show violence and murdered bodies because the international media coverage of the violence in their country -- the massacres, the outrages, the body count -- threatened to desensitize the world to the concrete human realities of the "emergency."
To
Abounaddara, the representative told us, the non-stop emphasis on
bloodshed, he said, cannot help but distort the picture. However -- and
from an aesthetic point of view you can argue that this approach is more
effective than pictures of the dead -- in group's films ordinary
Syrians speak very bluntly about that human cost of three years of violence
between the regime's backers and the rebels.
We see (and
hear) a boy of about ten living in a tent tell the camera about
the people killed in a government bombing of his neighborhood. There was
another
boy, the child says, not his friend -- more his brother's friend -- but
someone
he knew a little, who couldn't be found and was believed dead. Then (our
child informant tells us) searchers climbed the roof of a building and found the
boy's head.
So they buried his head.
Our child
witness recounts some other details of the destruction as well in a voice and
manner of a child anywhere with something interesting to tell, and with a
certain childlike fascination for the grotesque, rather than as a traumatized,
stunned, desensitized or even distraught victim. He's not a ghoul or a martyr
or a saint -- he's just a kid. He pays attention to what's going on. What's
going on is horrific, but he's alive and living the life he has.
In another
film, a rebel fighter recounts his decision to leave the Free Syrian Army, the
largest secular rebel group. The first goal of the Free Syrian Army is to
protect civilians, the Syrian people, our soldier-witness says. But the army unit he
was part of made decisions that in his opinion left civilians exposed to
violence in order to pursue other goals. It nagged him; he talked about his bad
conscience to other soldiers, and together they made the decision
to "turn in our rifles" and leave the Army. They went home. Now, he
says, "I do nothing." He's not happy about his current status, but
not willing to pick up a gun again either. He's Everyman faced with impossible
choices.
We see and
hear a grand cleric offer a nuanced explanation of how the demonstrators
against the regime were driven to rebellion. So do you support the rebellion? an
off-camera voice asks him. His reply is beautifully phrased and completely (laughably)
evasive.
We watch a spokesman of one of the extremist
groups that have entered the war with the goal of establishing a
"religious" regime give a PR speech. He mentions the "hypothetical"
possibility of creating an "Islamic state" -- and the filmmaker is
unable to suppress a yuck. The laugh makes the film.
Some of the
films shown at the AUB program were perhaps even
more powerful. A woman in conservative, traditional dress -- very common in
Syria -- says to the camera that when she asked at one of the government offices
to see her son, a body is produced. "They let me see only his feet -- only his feet!" she says and
breaks into uncontrollable sobs.
A man seen
in shadows recalls obsessively, with frequent repetitions of the central point,
"and then I cut his throat." He had enlisted in the rebellion for
good reasons, he tells the camera. "But that didn't give me the right to
cut his throat."
He says, "I don't know why I did it."
He says, "I don't know why I did it."
The
Abounaddara representative said his collective was originally formed, back in
2010 before the Arab Spring, to counter the almost wholly negative images of
Syria that appeared in worldwide media. Syrians have the same aspirations as
the rest of us, the collective believed: they're facing predicaments peculiar
to their past and present; here's how they live. This founding premise provides
some context for their decision not to show images of violence while continuing
to explore real life for real people.
When questioners posed questions about the "war" in Syria, the group's representative replied that they still think of what's happening in their country as "the revolution." I so hope they're right.
When questioners posed questions about the "war" in Syria, the group's representative replied that they still think of what's happening in their country as "the revolution." I so hope they're right.
The atmosphere
of the very first, wholly unexpected short film screened at AUB stays with me
still. In a nightclub somewhere, a local band is performing a cover of Pink
Floyd's "Another Brick in the Wall," the rock song with the chorus "Leave
them kids alone!" The audience, all standing, all young, not looking at
all 'traditional,' and probably consisting of middle-class, secular,
privileged, Western-oriented kids, are visibly quivering with emotion, shaking
and bellowing all of the song's lyrics along with the band -- the most authentically
Dionysian gathering this aging hippie has observed in years. "We don't
need no thought control!" the kids scream. "Teachers! leave them kids
alone!"
In the
context of Bashar Assad's Syria this cry for freedom struck me as the most natural
emotion in the world, and its expression a pure, ecstatic and joyful release.
I hope the Syrian young get the freedom they want; and, like the rest of us, learn that youthful
rebellion is not enough. But, so far, no one is willing to help them. I still
hope that will change.
Revolutions,
like human nature, like spring, get quashed in some places at some time. But
inevitably they spring up again. Putin, Chinese communist dictators, North
Korean nutcases, wacko anti-women American legislators -- pay attention. You're
all on the list: Leave the people alone.
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