What else don't we know about
"history"? Every time I pick up a book as well-written, researched
and formulated as "The Year of Lear: Shakespeare in 1606," I walk
around in a cloud of 'wow, imagine that, who would have known such-and-such?'
Shakespearean
scholars as learned as "The Year of Lear" author James Shapiro (how wide a set that
can be?) seem to know a lot more about the circumstances in which his plays were written than they did a few decades ago when I was studying them in
graduate school. We
were certainly aware that the change from the Elizabethan period to the Stuart
dynasty upon the ascension of James I to the throne of England in 1603 had consequences
for Shakespeare and his crew. But "The Year of Lear" tracks the composition
of three of Shakespeare's major tragic masterpieces against the pulses of the news
cycle in the fraught transitional year of 1606.
A number of strong political, cultural and religious forces buffeted English society in the years immediately after Elizabeth's
death. Her death marked the end of an era when England took its
place as a central player on the world (i.e. European) stage, fending off
attempts at domination by larger powers just as 'Good Queen Bess' fended off
marriage proposals from Spain and France. I think Shakespeare's history plays
and other formative successes in the Elizabethan theater may have helped build a sense of a shared, significant national culture -- though Shapiro's book does not make this point. England now possessed an art through which to know
itself. France and Italy had music and art. Spain had wealth; along with its
own literary tradition of the "picaro" (or picaresque tale) that flowered in Cervantes,
Shakespeare's contemporary and, in many eyes, peer.
England
fought off a Spanish invasion during Elizabeth's reign and sent its first
expeditions to compete in the great game of exploration, world trade, and eventual
colonization. On the home front it stabilized as a Protestant nation with a clearly outlined, though
limited tolerance for Catholics. London became a teeming, populous, international
trade center and world capital.
But
following the queen's death, the plague returned to London with the first warm season, after a few years of happy absence. James avoided the city
like the -- well, thing in itself -- and his coronation was put off for two years.
Parliament was reluctant to meet. The theaters were closed; "The Year of Lear" reports that the city had a law closing
the theaters whenever the official "death list" from plague reached
30 in a week. Astonishing facts of a long-ago, but literate civilization: London
kept a list of everybody who died from plague, though some of these records were lost in a
later fire. Still Shapiro can tell us that Shakespeare's London landlady died in
the plague at this time and that she was close enough to her prominent lodger to ask him to
help arrange a marriage for her daughter. Records show this.
Because
of the epidemics, the king's absence from London, and the uncertainties of how
to please the new regime, Shakespeare's company virtually shut down and --
astonishingly -- he wrote no new plays for two or three years after a decade of regular production of brilliant new work. From my studies I knew that "Lear," "MacBeth," and "Antony and Cleopatra"
are considered the 'later tragedies,' but little of their circumstances. They were 'later,' I know now, because there
were no outdoor, public theaters for 'The King's Men' to perform in, and no
king in London to commission new works from the company to debut before him.
When
James finally settled in and new works were called for, several major social and political forces helped light a fire and provide the tender in the imagination of the
world's greatest playwright. For me, this
is the deeper insight that "The Year of Lear" offers about
the nature of great public art, particularly of the literary and narrative sort: The
problems of a given society feed the juices of great imaginations; their
productions in turn nourish the ruminations of the people.
The
big issue dominating the early years of James Stuart's reign was his
desire to merge the two kingdoms of England and Scotland into one united
kingdom since he was now monarch of both. James was a proponent of the "divine
right" of monarchs. Since God (he reasoned) had made him king of both lands, God clearly
wanted them united. Furthermore, James dusted off an old legend that the two countries used to be one kingdom
since they share the same geographical entity. God not only works in mysterious
ways, apparently, he works in islands.
In
fact, an old play based on a British legend depicted the terrible consequences of
an aging king's decision to divide his kingdom. This story of course is
"King Leir," which Shakespeare re-imagined as "King Lear." While a lot more is going on in Lear besides dynastic politics, Shapiro is clearly onto something when he
points out that a play warning of the dangers of dividing a kingdom would likely
find favor with a king who wanted to unite his two crowns to form Great Britain.
"The Year of Lear" also
mulls the play's (highly unpopular) innovation of failing to offer a restorative happy
ending to bring a troubled world back to rights. Shapiro provides the intriguing suggestion that the play's last lines spoken by Edgar, a member of the younger generation, "we that are young / shall never see so much nor live so long" as the previous generation, amount to a
valedictory for Elizabeth's epic reign.
Audiences are so troubled by the death of the "good" daughter, Cordelia, that subsequent productions consistently brought her back to life. My suggestion on the playwright's unconventional choice: Might not Cordelia's death stand in for the thousands of innocents slaughtered by London's plagues?
When
London finally appeared safe enough for James to make his court there and press Parliament
to approve an "act of unification" of the two kingdoms, his new country is faced with an act of treachery that shakes it to the roots. In November of 1605, England
endured a near-miss 911-sized catastrophe known to history as the Gunpowder
Plot. An explosive attempt at a stroke of terrorism meant to destroy, king, royal family, government and much of the ruling class in a single cataclysm produced by tons
of gunpowder and musket shot stored in the bowels of Parliament. 'Security'
had a long way to go back then; the conspirators had simply rented the basement
storage areas from the government.
The
plot was also intended to set
off a nationwide Catholic uprising to restore the "old religion,"
return the country to the authority of the Roman Catholic church, and install a Catholic monarch.
Of further import to our story, many of the plotters had connections to the region of Shakespeare's own
Stratford. How big a deal this plot -- reduced in current days to the devilry of "Guy Fawkes Day" -- was for post-Elizabethan England is
recounted in greater legal and political detail than I
needed. What I will remember is that the repressive laws against
Catholics enacted in the wake of this plot swept up Shakespeare's daughter, who
initially refused to swear a new 'loyalty' oath but was forced to recant.
Shapiro make the connection between this near-disaster both to Lear and,
more importantly, to MacBeth, a play about the treasonous murder of a Scottish
king. Again, I think there's a deeper take-away. Tragedy was invented in Ancient Greece from the politically driven need for a citizenry to experience, at artistic remove, the
disasters that befall those who seek to rule. Greek tragedy is about power, rule,
and passion. We the people cram into the amphitheater to feel the terror of crime, misdeed, and failure.
We fear the terror of failure and crime; we find compassion in our
own hearts for the human suffering displayed for us on stage.
MacBeth is also a cautionary tale. What would happen if a plot to kill a king
succeeded? -- as MacBeth's plot to kill Duncan does, and as the Gunpowder Plot
to kill James I failed to. What happens is you get MacBeth, "in blood stepped in so far" that a nation must suffer more wars and the bloody removal of another king before the moral order is restored.
MacBeth is also, Shapiro argues, a play about
"equivocation," which James's England considered as bad armed rebellion. To them equivocation meant not telling the whole
truth when you are put under oath to do just that -- as the courtroom oath
says today, you swear "to tell the truth and the whole truth." If rebels,
traitors -- particularly secret Catholics -- believed it was all right in God's eyes to hold
back part of the truth from a courtroom or any official inquiry, then society
would fall apart. You would never know who to believe.
Hence
in MacBeth we have witches telling newly elevated war hero MacBeth what he
wants to hear in his secret heart, but only hinting, or perhaps omitting entirely, important pieces
of the story. Shapiro closely analyzes a playful of other examples of
'equivocation,' of giving a misleading or partial impression.
Oh, dear, it's everywhere.
I'm
afraid Shakespeare's day never knew the half of it. Today American citizens
routinely listen to their elected leaders and come away saying,
"Ah, they're all lying. That's what they do."
Frankly, I suspect we all hold back some of the truth.
I'm
afraid I'm holding back any discussion of "Anthony and Cleopatra,"
the third of the great tragedies Shapiro finds bathed in the controversial waters of 1606, because it's a play I've never warmed up to. Also because the author's case for relating this play to
specific events and the national mood at the time of its writing is too subtle for
summation here. Besides, I've already forgotten so much of this argument that I
need to read it again.
But
this is the beauty of reading history, especially when important times and
great writers intersect. The truth is, there is always something new under the sun.
It's the old stuff we never knew.
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